Recognising Gender Apartheid Without Tackling The Patriarchy Is A Fool's Errand
On Why I Slightly Disagree With The Contemporary Afghan Feminists
“Encountering gender apartheid and waged slavery shook me to my roots more than half a century ago in Afghanistan. Oh, the women of Afghanistan, the women of the Muslim world. I was no feminist -- but now, thinking back, I see how much I learned there, how clearly their condition taught me to see gender discrimination anywhere and, above all, taught me to see how cruel oppressed women could be to each other. They taught me about women everywhere.”
― Phyllis Chesler, An American Bride in Kabul
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I recently joined an insightful online gathering hosted by 𝐃efenders of 𝐄quality, 𝐅reedom and 𝐀dvancement for 𝐖omen (DEFAW). DEFAW is led by prominent figures like singer Aryana Sayeed and her sister the professional football player Dr. Nadia Nadim. The movement’s stated goal is to empower Afghan women and advocate for their rights.
The session primarily involved women activists dedicated to classifying gender apartheid as an international crime, aiming to hold the Taliban regime accountable for gender discrimination.
You can listen to the discussion here. If you have the time, I highly recommend giving it a listen—it will be well worth your while and provide valuable insights.
The speakers, in turn, strongly criticised the Taliban’s misogynistic policies, a sentiment I share. However, there was a noticeable gap in the dialogue. Aside from a brief mention, the panel hardly addressed the central question:
“Why should gender apartheid be recognised in Afghanistan?”
Or in other words: How does the international recognition of gender apartheid benefit the women and girls in Afghanistan, who face one of the most extreme forms of patriarchy in the world?
Patriarchy: The Main Cause Of Gender Apartheid In Afghanistan
In my opinion, while the campaign to classify gender apartheid as a crime is a significant step, it’s however imperative to understand that this initiative, though groundbreaking, merely touches the surface of a much deeper societal problem.
Here’s what I mean.
The real issue, I believe, transcends legal recognition and has everything to do with the pervasive and persistent patriarchal system that is deeply entrenched in the Afghan society. For true transformation, this patriarchal system of male privilege and male dominance must not only be dismantled but replaced with a more egalitarian and humanistic approach, recognising men and women as equals.
Look, the challenges faced by Afghan women are vast. These challenges encompass not only legal and political realms, but also cultural norms, societal mindsets, and deep-seated historical prejudices against women, including male chauvinistic attitudes, entrenched female inferiority complexes, significant economic disparities, and the gender biases embedded in language itself.
If you think I am exaggerating, consider for a moment these specific synonyms often applied to women in Afghan society:
Siāsar - Black-head (implying a less favorable connotation compared to the color white, which is often associated with respectability)
Jens-e zareef/lateef - Elegant/soft sex (highlighting perceived delicacy)
Za’eefa - weak/unable one (indicating perceived fragility or lack of strength)
Tabaq-e onās - Female class (categorizing women as a distinct social group)
Examples of well-known expressions about women:
Dokhtar sang-e palakhmān ast - Girls are like the stones of a slingshot, suggesting that girls are seen as tools or objects to be used.
Dokhtar khān-e bakht-e khod raft - The girl found her luck, often said in the context of marriage or a change in a girl’s circumstances
Zan nang-o nāmoos-e mard ast - A woman is a man’s shame and honor, reflecting the cultural belief that a woman’s behavior directly impacts a man’s reputation
Aql-e zan dar koon-e pāysh ast - A woman’s intellect is in her heels, a derogatory saying implying that women lack intelligence
Therefore, I believe that prejudices and discrimination against women go far beyond the legal definition of gender apartheid and calls for a fundamental shift in the collective consciousness of Afghans more broadly. In order to break the cycle of violence against women and girls in Afghanistan, I claim, we need to fundamentally change the mindsets of Afghan men and women. Unless Afghans fundamentally redefine their perceptions of womanhood and manhood, no legal measures will be sufficient to eradicate the deep-seated issue of discrimination against women.
Islam and Gender Apartheid
When addressing the critical topic of women’s rights, it is impossible to overlook another major influencing factor: the role of religion, specifically Islam.
Islamic teachings, which form the bedrock of Afghan society, are often interpreted in ways that reinforce gender apartheid. Such interpretations, particularly when intertwined with local and tribal customs, manifest in practices that significantly disadvantage women. This is vividly evident in the practices of the Taliban, where a blend of religious interpretation and cultural norms contributes to the systemic gender inequality.
One striking example is the concept of ‘Qiwamah’ in Islam, which states that men have authority over women. Then there is the practice of segregation, often seen in Afghan society, which is rooted in Islamic teachings about modesty. This is because modesty is a highly valued aspect in Islam. Does it therefore surprise us that the implementation of modesty culture in Afghan society has led to extreme measures, like limiting women’s participation in public life?
The interpretation of Hijab by Afghan men and women is also problematic. Hijab for many Muslim men and women is meant to be a symbol of modesty and dignity, and therefore in countries like Afghanistan and Iran it’s often enforced in rigid, restrictive ways that limit women’s freedom.
Gender disparity is ubiquitous in Islam.
Let me demystify this by means of a few clear-cut examples:
Inheritance Laws: In Islamic law, as mentioned in the Quran (Surah An-Nisa 4:11), daughters generally inherit half the share of sons. This has often been interpreted as reflecting a broader principle of male preference in financial matters.
Testimony in Court: According to the Quranic verses (Surah Al-Baqarah 2:282), the testimony of two women is considered equivalent to that of one man. This has been seen as an indication of women being considered less reliable or capable in legal matters.
Polygamy: Islamic scripture allows a man to marry up to four wives (Quran, Surah An-Nisa 4:3), provided he can treat them all equally.
Guardianship: According to Islamic law, women are required to have a male guardian for various life decisions, including marriage. This concept is derived from various Hadiths and is seen as placing women under male authority.
Dress Codes: Islam mandate specific dress codes for women, such as wearing the hijab or covering the body, which are examples of gender-specific restrictions.
Role in Worship and Leadership: In many Islamic traditions, women are not allowed to lead mixed-gender congregational prayers or hold certain religious leadership positions, as derived from interpretations of Islamic texts.
Divorce Rights: In Islamic law, men have greater ease in initiating divorce (Talāq) compared to women. Women often have to go through more complex procedures (such as “Khul”) to end a marriage.
Dealing with Arrogant Wives: Verse 4:34 of the Qur’an instructs men as follows:
“Men are in charge of women by [right of] what Allah has given one over the other and what they spend [for maintenance] from their wealth. So righteous women are devoutly obedient, guarding in [the husband’s] absence what Allah would have them guard. But those [wives] from whom you fear arrogance - [first] advise them; [then if they persist], forsake them in bed; and [finally], strike them. But if they obey you [once more], seek no means against them. Indeed, Allah is ever Exalted and Grand.”
These religious interpretations, when combined with local customs and patriarchal norms, create an environment where women’s rights are significantly curtailed. They contribute to a societal structure where women are often seen as subordinate, leading to their marginalisation in education, employment, and public life.
Global Attention
Let me for a second be the pessimist here.
I believe that while bringing gender apartheid into the international legal framework might draw global attention and shed light on these issues, it is unlikely to effectuate any substantial change on the ground in the absence of a broader cultural shift.
Recognising gender apartheid as a crime under international law is like throwing a pebble at a massive fortress. Sure, it makes a sound, but does it shake the foundations? Hardly.
We need more than pebbles; we need a seismic shift in consciousness, a revolution that redefines what it means to be human.
In conclusion, while the world applauds the symbolic victory against gender apartheid, let’s not forget the hydra-headed monster of patriarchy in Afghanistan, still lurking, still undefeated. The battle is far from over; it has barely begun.
To dismantle the fortress of gender inequality, we need to do more than scratch the surface; we need to delve into the depths, armed with more than just legal arguments.
What we need is a new narrative, one where every gender is an equal player in the grand drama of humanity. Only then can we hope to bring the curtain down on this age-old tragedy.
Cheers.